Kinship terms serve as linguistic representations of familial relationships and broader social connections established through descent, marriage, or adoption (Makal 2022). They categorise individuals into roles such as parent, sibling, or extended family member, thereby mapping the structure of family and social networks (Baabaare 2023; Lalaouna & Sididris 2024). These terms are central to the organisation of social hierarchies, as they delineate authority, prescribe obligations, and reinforce cultural expectations (Bouchery & Longmailai 2018). Importantly, kinship terms extend beyond biological ties to encompass social relationships, often functioning as symbolic resources to express respect, intimacy, solidarity, or affiliation within a community (Makal 2022). Their significance lies not only in defining relational categories but also in mediating social behaviour and sustaining collective identity. Within Xitsonga literature, kinship terms frequently operate as address forms, reflecting underlying hierarchies, cultural norms, and interpersonal dynamics. Such usage demonstrates how language embeds social meaning and becomes a vehicle for reinforcing both familial and communal bonds, as shown in Box 1.

In Box 1, the kinship terms papa [dad], mama [mom], and buti [brother] operate as significant forms of address that structure interpersonal exchanges and foreground the social hierarchies embedded within the family unit. The repeated use of papa in conjunction with the second-person absolute pronoun n’wina [you] by Tiyani demonstrates deference and recognition of paternal authority, thereby reaffirming the father’s position as a central figure of guidance and decision-making. Similarly, the use of mama emphasises maternal responsibility.

The term buti, followed by the proper name Solomon, highlights the importance of elder siblings in assuming practical duties, such as driving, while simultaneously reinforcing his elevated status within the kinship hierarchy. These forms of address illustrate how familial roles and relationships are linguistically enacted to maintain family structures, express respect, and delineate role differentiation. Beyond shaping character interactions, these kinship terms reflect the broader socio-cultural values of the Vatsonga community. The consistent acknowledgement of parental figures through papa and mama signifies their socio-cultural importance within the family, and the forms of address serve as respectful recognitions.

Likewise, the use of buti reflects the collectivist ethos of Vatsonga society, in which siblings are not only defined by biological ties but also by the responsibilities and duties they perform within the family structure. This practice demonstrates the community’s emphasis on solidarity, mutual support, and the hierarchical organisation of social relations. Therefore, the excerpt in Box 1 illustrates that kinship terms of address extend beyond simple markers of familial identity and serve as cultural instruments through which Vatsonga values of respect, hierarchy, and collective responsibility are expressed.

Personal names are linguistic markers assigned at birth to distinguish individuals within a cultural or social context (Machate-Kabinde, Mandende & Cekiso 2023). These names often reflect cultural heritage, familial lineage, religious beliefs, or personal attributes (Diko 2024). They carry symbolic meanings shaped by historical, linguistic, or societal influences. Beyond identification, they contribute to social recognition and interpersonal interactions (Machate-Kabinde et al. 2023). In Xitsonga literary works, personal names serve as terms of address that reveal social relationships, hierarchy, and cultural norms, while shaping character dynamics. The way characters use names to address one another can convey respect, familiarity, authority, admiration, or intimacy, as illustrated in Box 2.

In Box 2, the repeated use of the personal name Thuli by Prof. Xirilo functions as a key address strategy that shapes the dynamics of interaction and reinforces character relations. By directly naming Thuli, the professor establishes intimacy and personal recognition, thereby fostering a conversational atmosphere that appears both respectful and affectionate. Within the framework of character interactions, the use of Thuli’s personal name reduces social distance and creates a sense of familiarity, positioning the professor not only as an authority figure but also as someone who seeks to engage Thuli on equal and personal terms. This deliberate use of her name rather than a pronoun or title signals attentiveness and recognition, which enhances Thuli’s positive face, the universal desire to be appreciated and valued (Brown & Levinson 1987). In this way, the professor’s linguistic choice highlights how terms of address can mediate hierarchical relations by balancing authority with interpersonal closeness.

From a socio-cultural perspective, the use of a personal name in this context reflects Vatsonga communicative norms, in which naming serves as a powerful tool of affirmation, intimacy, and social bonding. Unlike the use of other forms of address, which may convey critique, familiarity, or deference, the repetitive use of the personal name Thuli by Prof. Xirilo signals an intentional act of recognition and relational harmony, affirming her value within the interaction. Moreover, the professor’s metaphorical compliment, tihlo a ri tivoni [The eye cannot see itself.], further positions Thuli as someone whose worth and beauty are acknowledged by others, thereby reinforcing her social value in ways that extend beyond the immediate literal conversation.

Viewed through the lens of politeness theory, this interaction exemplifies a positive politeness strategy, whereby the speaker seeks to enhance solidarity and affirm the hearer’s self-image. By repeatedly using Thuli’s name, the professor personalises the exchange to ensure that his compliments are framed within an intimate mode of address. This approach reflects the broader use of terms of address within Vatsonga society, extending from personal recognition to interpersonal relations. Thus, the excerpt in Box 2 illustrates how the personal name Thuli, employed as a form of address, operates not merely as an identifier but also as a discursive strategy for constructing intimacy.

Hypocoristic names are modified or abbreviated versions of personal names that signify affection, familiarity, or informality (Mashaqba et al. 2023). These variations typically result from the addition of suffixes, syllable alterations, or shortened names (Zungu, Zulu & Bariki 2019). According to Jang (2023), such names are frequently used within familial relationships, friendships, and close-knit social circles to express warmth and closeness. Across different cultures, these names serve as terms of endearment, often used by parents when addressing their children, between romantic partners, or among peers (Ehineni 2019). Furthermore, hypocoristic names reflect linguistic and cultural conventions. In Xitsonga literary contexts, hypocoristic names function as essential terms of address that emphasise intimacy, familiarity, and character relationships. Authors frequently use these affectionate name variations to highlight social connections, emotional undertones, and cultural backgrounds within narratives, as exemplified in Box 3.

In Box 3, Prof. Xirilo addresses Sukani using the hypocoristic name Suki, a shortened and affectionate form that conveys familiarity, emotional closeness, and a hierarchical yet caring relationship. Name shortening, as observed by Eshreteh (2017), is a common strategy to express warmth and informality, often used among family members, friends, or romantic partners. Prof. Xirilo’s choice of Suki reinforces trust and emotional support, as seen in his reassurance: Ndza ku tshemba Suki, ndzi nga ka ndzi nga ku lahli [I trust you, Suki, and I will never leave you]. Additionally, Suki balances authority and care, as Prof. Xirilo asserts his expertise (ku hava lexi u nga dyondzisaka Profesa wa wena [There’s nothing you can teach your professor]) while simultaneously using an affectionate address to soften his stance. This method demonstrates his acknowledgement of Sukani’s perspective while maintaining his authoritative role. Furthermore, hypocoristic names enrich cultural and linguistic expression, as name shortening is widely used in African languages to signal endearment or social connection (Ehineni 2019; Zungu et al. 2019). By using Suki, Prof. Xirilo aligns with cultural norms that emphasise relational dynamics through terms of address. Thus, Suki serves as a linguistic and social tool that enhances emotional intimacy and hierarchy in their interaction. A similar use of a hypocoristic name as a form of address in Xitsonga literary work is demonstrated in Box 4.

In Box 4, Tebogo uses the hypocoristic name Sai, a shortened and informal variation of Simon, to convey familiarity, social identity, and emotional expression. This modification reflects an existing social bond, even in Simon’s absence. Additionally, the term Bra-Sai combines respect and camaraderie, as the morpheme Bra-, common in African languages like Xitsonga, signifies seniority or brotherhood (Mudau et al. 2024). This usage suggests Simon holds a certain social status among his peers, while Tebogo’s use of Sai signals both a personal connection and an attempt to evoke sympathy from Matome. Furthermore, referring to Sai in Simon’s absence highlights how terms of address extend beyond direct interaction, functioning as social markers and identity indicators (Magashi 2023). Tebogo’s choice reinforces group identity and maintains a sense of familiarity despite Simon not being physically present. Thus, the use of Sai and Bra-Sai in this literary excerpt illustrates how modified personal names convey emotional tone, shape social dynamics, and strengthen relational bonds, even in indirect discourse.

A nickname is a modified or alternative form of a personal name, typically employed in informal contexts to express familiarity, affection, social identity, or humour (Matfunjwa, Mlambo & Skosana 2024). Within literary discourse, nicknames function as significant terms of address that transcend basic identification, signalling social relationships, emotional undertones, and character dynamics (Putri, Muliana & Suarniti 2022). Nicknames embody cultural practices and interpersonal connections, mediating relationships through markers of intimacy, hierarchy, or camaraderie. The presence of nicknames in texts not only reflects prevailing social norms but also contributes to the construction of identity, offering readers deeper insights into character interactions. Moreover, the deliberate use of nicknames enriches narrative strategies by reinforcing themes and intensifying characterisation. The strategic deployment of nicknames enhances storytelling by adding complexity to dialogue and depth to relational portrayals, thereby embedding cultural meaning within the literary fabric, as seen in Box 5.

In Box 5, N’wa-Khazamula repeatedly addresses Xihlayamagoza as Dlomu!, an ideophone that imitates the sound of something plunging into deep water. This term functions as a nickname that metaphorically captures his habitual interference in the affairs of others. Much like an object making a loud splash, Dlomu! symbolises his sudden and disruptive intrusions. Its repetition reinforces the perception of his meddlesome behaviour while simultaneously serving as a striking and memorable form of address. Similarly, the nickname Matanato, also employed by N’wa-Khazamula, further highlights Xihlayamagoza’s persistent tendency to involve himself in matters that do not concern him. Within Vatsonga socio-cultural practice, nicknaming is a well-established communicative strategy that may convey endearment, familiarity, or, as in this case, critique and social correction (Chauke 2016). By calling him Dlomu! and Matanato, N’wa-Khazamula not only censures Xihlayamagoza for intruding into her and her husband’s affairs but also participates in a cultural tradition in which names and nicknames function as vehicles for negotiating respect, authority, and accountability.

Viewed through the framework of politeness theory, these nicknames constitute face-threatening acts, particularly to Xihlayamagoza’s positive face of the desire to be tolerated and respected. Rather than using neutral or deferential forms of address, N’wa-Khazamula deliberately employs the nicknames that signal impatience and disapproval. This choice reflects the pragmatic function of impoliteness, in which social distance is reinforced. Thus, the excerpt in Box 5 illustrates how terms of address in Xitsonga discourse extend beyond simple reference to become dynamic markers of criticism and disapproval, and interpersonal strategies of politeness and impoliteness. The use of nicknames in Xitsonga literature also enhances realism, enriches characterisation, and introduces relational nuance, thereby deepening both dialogue and thematic development.

Personal titles are honorifics or designations placed before a person’s name to denote aspects such as gender, marital status, professional rank, social standing, or academic accomplishments (AL-Rawi & Al-Assam 2018). Unlike first and last names, which focus on individual identity, personal titles emphasise the social relationship between the speaker and the addressee, making them less personal (Kubayi 2013). Bayo (2023) categorises personal titles into traditional, occupational, and religious titles, underscoring their socio-cultural significance in various contexts. This classification illustrates how personal titles function not merely as identifiers but also as markers of respect, status, and belonging within different social structures. In literary works, personal titles extend beyond formal terms of address, shaping character development, reinforcing power dynamics, and reflecting societal hierarchies, as presented in Box 6.

In Box 6, the borrowed Afrikaans term Meneer [Sir] functions as a general honorific title of address, used both independently and in conjunction with the proper name Skhalele. Its deployment plays a crucial role in structuring interactions between characters and in marking social hierarchies within the dialogue. When Mafada addresses David solely as Meneer, the title conveys deference and recognises his authority, affirming his status as someone who exercises control within the academic context of the examination. This form of address highlights the asymmetry of power between the speaker and the addressee, reflecting institutional hierarchies in which authority is linguistically signalled through titles rather than personal names. Conversely, David’s use of Meneer Skhalele combines the title with the proper name, thereby reinforcing respect while also specifying the individual towards whom the deference is directed. This dual form further strengthens the hierarchical distinction between student and teacher and ensures clarity in identifying authority within a formalised setting. More broadly, in Xitsonga literary texts, formal designations of roles, positions, or professional qualifications are also employed as forms of address between characters, as illustrated in Box 7.

In Box 7, the professional titles Profesa [Professor] and Dokodela [Doctor] are used as forms of address, often extended into their abbreviated forms, Prof. and Dok. These titles perform a crucial pragmatic function by shaping character interactions and marking social hierarchies. Through the use of institutional titles, characters acknowledge one another’s academic authority and professional expertise, thereby signalling respect and legitimising the roles each participant occupies within the conversational context. The abbreviated forms, Prof. and Dok, introduce an element of familiarity and solidarity, softening the formality of the interaction without diminishing the professional prestige associated with the titles. This alternation between full and shortened forms demonstrates the flexibility of the terms of address in balancing hierarchical recognition with interpersonal closeness. The same phenomenon of using the title Prof. is also observed in Box 2, in which Thuli (the student) deliberately addresses Prof. Xirilo with the abbreviated title. This choice reflects underlying sociolinguistic and pragmatic considerations that are central to Brown and Levinson’s (1987) politeness theory. Thuli’s insistence on using the title Prof. signals respect, acknowledging the age gap between the interlocutors, and reinforcing the hierarchical relationship within the institutional setting. This usage reflects the power dynamics between individuals and the identity construction in the interaction.

Beyond the immediate conversational context, the use of general honorifics and professional titles in Box 2, Box 6, and Box 7 reflects broader socio-cultural norms and values among the Vatsonga. The prominence of titles such as Meneer, Profesa, and Dokodela underscores the cultural esteem afforded to adult men, education, knowledge, and professional achievement. By foregrounding these roles in everyday exchanges, the discourse illustrates how linguistic markers of status are embedded within social interaction. Furthermore, the interplay between formal and abbreviated forms suggests that respect in Vatsonga culture is not incompatible with warmth and familiarity; rather, social harmony is maintained through a combination of hierarchical acknowledgement and relational closeness. Consequently, the excerpts demonstrate not only how titles mediate interpersonal dynamics but also how they encode and reproduce cultural values of respect, recognition, and social balance within the Vatsonga community.

Pronouns function as substitutes for nouns or noun phrases, serving to avoid repetition while identifying the speaker, listener, or a third party (Casan-Pitarch 2016). They play a crucial role in ensuring clarity, cohesion, and communicative efficiency. When employed as terms of address, pronouns go beyond their grammatical function to pragmatically identify, acknowledge, or refer to an interlocutor without recourse to personal names or titles (Brinton 2023). In this capacity, pronouns operate as tools for establishing interaction, signalling respect or familiarity, and negotiating social relationships, thereby making them integral to both spoken and written discourse (Rahmawati et al. 2021). Within Xitsonga literature, pronouns contribute to shaping meaning, narrative perspective, and character interactions. As terms of address, they influence tone, enhance reader engagement, and enrich characterisation, as shown in Box 8.

In Box 8, the demonstrative pronoun loyi [this] and the absolute pronoun wena [you] are strategically employed as terms of address that both shape interpersonal dynamics and embody socio-cultural values among the Vatsonga. When Prof. Xirilo refers to Thuli as munghana loyi [this friend], the demonstrative extends beyond mere identification. This term simultaneously acknowledges Jean’s social network and elevates Thuli by describing her as wo xonga tani hi ntsumi [beautiful like an angel]. In this context, the demonstrative operates as both a deictic marker and a discursive strategy that mediates social hierarchy, positioning the professor as an authoritative figure who uses his title as a means of politeness and positive recognition.

Importantly, the use of loyi illustrates how pronouns function as terms of address when the speaker does not know the addressee’s personal name, thereby facilitating interaction and recognition. Similarly, the absolute pronoun wena, directed towards Jean, signals the professor’s active participation in an interactional framework in which linguistic choices negotiate hierarchical roles. Within Vatsonga communicative practice, pronoun use is a salient marker of respect and relational positioning (Kubayi 2013). By addressing Jean with wena, the professor establishes immediacy and familiarity, yet he does so in a manner that maintains social boundaries and honours cultural norms of deference. This approach reflects the Vatsonga principle that terms of address must balance individual recognition with communal values of respect and relational harmony. Aligned with Brown and Levinson’s (1987) politeness theory, such pronoun use exemplifies a positive politeness strategy, fostering solidarity while mitigating potential social distance. Thus, the use of loyi and wena demonstrates that pronouns in Vatsonga are not merely grammatical devices but also essential tools for constructing interpersonal relations, managing face, and encoding cultural expectations of respect and cohesion. The excerpt in Box 8, therefore, emphasises how everyday linguistic practices serve as vehicles for expressing broader socio-cultural values of recognition, solidarity, and communal harmony.

Teknonyms denote a naming convention in which a parent is referred to by the name of their child rather than by their own personal name (Mandende, Chaka & Makgato 2017). This practice is prevalent across numerous cultures and often serves as a marker of respect, social status, or an identity transformation associated with parenthood (Kubayi 2013). The custom reflects societal values that prioritise familial ties and communal relationships over individual identity, emphasising the interconnectedness of social roles and responsibilities (Akindele 2008). Teknonymy is particularly prominent within indigenous communities and cultural traditions, and its representation in literary works underscores its narrative and symbolic significance. This form of address not only conveys relational and hierarchical dynamics but also enriches textual portrayals of social structures, identity negotiation, and cultural continuity, as exemplified in Box 9.

In Box 9, the use of teknonyms N’wa-Khazamula [daughter of Khazamula] and N’wa-Yingwani [daughter of Yingwani] functions as a significant strategy for structuring interpersonal interactions and reflecting social hierarchies among characters. Teknonyms, which identify individuals through the names of their parents or children, carry both relational and social significance within Vatsonga culture (Kubayi 2013). In this excerpt, the characters were addressed by their fathers’ names, Khazamula and Yingwani, with the prefix /n’wa-/ marking the female gender in accordance with Xitsonga cultural norms. A distinctive feature of teknonyms as forms of address in Xitsonga literary texts is that authors can assign a character a teknonym that is consistently used throughout the narrative for purposes of characterisation. For example, the character N’wa-Khazamula is referred to exclusively by this teknonym, without ever using her original name Mijaji, a practice that is unlikely to occur in everyday spoken discourse. Additionally, teknonyms may also function as forms of address through the use of children’s names, as demonstrated in Box 10.

In Box 10, the interaction between Valerie and Bayizani illustrates how teknonyms function as forms of address in Xitsonga literary texts through the use of children’s names. The repeated invocation of papa Rhulani [father of Rhulani], its shortened form papa Rhuli [father of Rhuli], and mhana Rhulani [mother of Rhulani] highlights both relational closeness and social recognition. By addressing each other through their parental roles, Valerie and Bayizani simultaneously convey frustration and invoke the cultural expectation that elders or parents bear responsibility for their actions. Bayizani’s polite, yet pleading response: Kasi swi lo yini mhana Rhulani? Wa nga yima ndzi ku hlamusela! [What is the matter, mother of Rhulani? Could you allow me a moment to explain?] demonstrates the deployment of positive politeness strategies (Brown & Levinson 1987), in which the speaker seeks to preserve the addressee’s face by showing deference and mitigating potential conflict, despite the tension inherent in the exchange.

From a socio-cultural perspective, the use of teknonyms and parental titles reflects Vatsonga values of respect, relational identity, and communal accountability. Addressing individuals through their child’s name, parental role, or father’s name affirms their social and familial status as well as responsibilities to position interactions within culturally sanctioned hierarchies and mediates authority across both domestic and broader community contexts. Furthermore, such forms of address enable speakers to negotiate politeness and face management simultaneously: teknonyms elevate the social recognition of the addressee while permitting critique or rebuke in socially acceptable ways. Consequently, Box 9 and Box 10 demonstrate that teknonyms and parental titles operate not merely as referential tools but also as dynamic markers of social hierarchy, relational positioning, and Vatsonga socio-cultural norms, with their pragmatic use closely aligning with Brown and Levinson’s framework of politeness and face-sensitive communication.

Terms of endearment as forms of address are expressions used to convey affection, warmth, and emotional closeness between speakers. Unlike neutral terms of address, which identify or call attention to an interlocutor, terms of endearment carry strong affective meaning, functioning both as linguistic markers of relationship and as pragmatic tools in interaction (Landmann 2022). The terms not only express emotion but also play a central role in managing interpersonal relationships, maintaining social harmony, and constructing identity within communicative exchanges, as presented in Box 11.

In Box 11, the repeated use of the term of endearment murhandziwa [my love] as a form of address by Man Xirilo to Prof. Xirilo performs important pragmatic and socio-cultural functions. In shaping character interactions and social hierarchies, murhandziwa mitigates potential conflict by softening direct accusations. Although Man Xirilo expresses doubt about Prof. Xirilo’s honesty a ndzi mi tshembi [I don’t believe you.], the affectionate term cushions the face-threatening act. This method aligns with Brown and Levinson’s (1987) notion of positive politeness strategies, in which speakers attend to the addressee’s desire for approval and solidarity. By framing her critique within an affectionate mode of address, Man Xirilo maintains relational closeness while simultaneously challenging Prof. Xirilo’s credibility. The hierarchical dimension is also evident in Prof. Xirilo’s interruptions, which assert authority; yet Man Xirilo’s persistent use of murhandziwa subtly rebalances power by reminding him of their intimate bond and mutual obligations. Similarly, in Box 3, Sukani addresses Prof. Xirilo as nkata [my love], an expression of intimacy signalling a relationship extending beyond the conventional boundaries of a student–lecturer interaction. This choice of address reflects the presence of a romantic relationship that violates institutional expectations regarding professional conduct, protocol, and established power dynamics.

From a socio-cultural perspective, the use of terms of endearment such as murhandziwa and nkata reflects Vatsonga values of relational identity, respect, and communal harmony. Affectionate terms of address are not merely markers of intimacy but also tools for conflict negotiation within interpersonal and familial relationships. By invoking love as a relational anchor, Man Xirilo and Sukani appeal to cultural expectations that truthfulness and trust should govern marital and communal interactions. Furthermore, the phrase mbilu ya munhu yi tshama ni ntiyiso [the human heart always aligns itself with the truth] situates her appeal within a moral framework that echoes Vatsonga cultural norms, in which honesty is a valued social virtue. Consequently, the excerpts in Box 3 and Box 11 illustrate that terms of endearment in Xitsonga literary discourse serve dual functions: they express emotional intimacy while simultaneously operating as politeness strategies to navigate tension, critique, and hierarchical dynamics. This method demonstrates how literary language embeds socio-cultural values into everyday interactions, affirming that terms of address like murhandziwa and nkata are not only markers of affection but also pragmatic tools for maintaining face and reinforcing culturally sanctioned relational bonds.