Nominal prefixes are crucial not only for noun formation but also for altering the part of speech during the creation of new words, especially compound words (Maharramova 2023). When a nominal prefix is attached to the base of combined words, the resulting compound word often undergoes a syntactic transformation, changing its part of speech to fulfil different grammatical functions. These prefixes act as powerful agents of change, adding complexity and nuance to language (Brinton 2000). Nordquist (2019) further supported that nominal prefixes typically maintain the word class they modify. In Xitsonga, this process occurs when combined words cannot form a complete compound on their own, with the resulting compound words generally being nouns. This highlights the fundamental role of nominal prefixes in altering the part of speech during compound word formation, as demonstrated in Figure 1a and Figure 1b.

In Figure 1a, the nominal compound xisalandzhaku (straggler, laggard or latecomer) is formed by combining the Class 7 prefix /xi-/ with the verb stem sala (remain) and the adverb of time ndzhaku (after). The compound is classified as endocentric, where the left-position morpheme, the nominal prefix /xi-/, functions as the head, while sala and ndzhaku act as modifiers. Mphasha (2006) and Lusekelo (2019) argue that a prefix functions as the head when it acquires the semantic attributes of the compound word, such as its meaning, number and lexical category. Similarly, the prefix /xi-/ has inherited the semantic characteristics of the compound xisalandzhaku. Figure 1b illustrates the compound madyambitsi (ring-finger), which is created by merging the Class 6 prefix /ma-/ with the verb stem dya (eat) and the noun mbitsi (offensive emotional distress). The compound madyambitsi can also refer to a person, particularly a parent who experiences challenges because of their child’s misbehaviour. Such a child may be described as madyisambitsi (one who causes emotional distress). The addition of the nominal prefixes /xi-/ and /ma-/ has transformed the elements sala and ndzhaku in xisalandzhaku and dya and mbitsi in madyambitsi into compound nouns, whereas in their absence, the elements would be considered verb phrases. Ekasani and colleagues (2018) define a verb phrase as a grammatical structure composed of a main verb along with its complements, objects or modifiers. It serves as the predicate in a clause, expressing an action, occurrence or state of being. This process underscores the crucial role of nominal prefixes in Xitsonga compound word formation, highlighting their impact on the alteration of parts of speech and the grammatical functions in the resulting compounds. Table 1 presents additional examples where nominal prefixes alter the part of speech in the formation of compound words.

Table 1 illustrates examples of compound words in Xitsonga where nominal prefixes play a crucial role in modifying parts of speech during compound word formation. The prefixes /xi-/ in xitlakulandzwalo (crane), /mu-/ in mukhomelanandzu (scapegoat), /ma-/ in mafambayexe (misanthrope) and /vu-/ in vukambelantsumbu (post-mortem or autopsy) transform the basic constituents of these compounds which are originally verbal phrases into fully formed compound nouns. For instance, kambela ntsumbu (examine corpse) is a verbal phrase without the prefix /vu-/. When this prefix is added, the phrase transforms into the compound noun vukambelantsumbu. In the case of xipandzamananga (car or vehicle), the prefix /xi-/, along with the basic constituents pandza (divide or split) and mananga (desert), contribute primarily to the compound’s formation and its meaning is metaphorical. The compound xipandzamananga literally translates to ‘that which divides or splits the desert’. This metaphorical expression refers to a car, highlighting its capacity to navigate and traverse challenging, barren terrains like deserts.

Nominal prefixes in Xitsonga significantly impact both the grammatical structure and semantic interpretation of compound words. Beyond their role in determining word class, these prefixes contribute to nuanced shifts in meaning, encompassing spatial, temporal or relational concepts (Morrison 2018; Prcic 2019). Furthermore, they can hierarchically restructure the semantic weight of base words within compounds (Fabregas 2007). Essentially, nominal prefixes operate as semantic operators, dynamically modifying the original meaning to create novel conceptual entities. This process is exemplified in Xitsonga compound formation, where prefixes act as catalysts for linguistic innovation and expanded communicative potential, as illustrated in Figure 2a and Figure 2b.

Morphologically, the compound word vandzindzakhombo (insurers) is formed by combining the Class 2 prefix /va-/ with the verb stem ndzindza (insure) and the noun khombo (accident or disaster), as shown in Figure 2a. Figure 2b illustrates the compound word vunyokahansi (treacherous behaviours), created by merging the Class 14 prefix /vu-/ with the noun nyoka (snake) and the locative adverb hansi (underneath). The compound vunyokahansi is metaphorical as its meaning is not deduced from the individual components. Understanding the full meaning of this compound relies on the knowledge of Xitsonga culture and how Vatsonga perceive snakes. Both vandzindzakhombo and vunyokahansi can exist as compounds without the prefixes, such as ndzindzakhombo (insurance) and nyokahansi (treacherous person). However, the inclusion of the nominal prefixes /va-/ and /vu-/ significantly shifts the compounds’ meanings, transforming insurance into a people or companies providing insurance, and treacherous person into behaviours that involve betraying trust, loyalty or confidence. This semantic shift is crucial for language evolution, enabling the continuous expansion of vocabulary and the expression of complex ideas (Acton 2023). In this case, prefixes serve as agents of linguistic change, driving innovation in word meaning and contributing to the dynamic nature of human communication. Table 2 provides further examples of how nominal prefixes change the meaning in the formation of compound words in Xitsonga.

Table 2 provides examples of Xitsonga compound words where nominal prefixes are pivotal in shifting semantics during word formation. The prefixes /vu-/ in vunhenhakazi (the triumph of the women), /va-/ in vadyanhlampfi (English people), /ma-/ in madyondzelan’wingi (senior wife) and /mu-/ in muhoxaxandla (contributor) act as catalysts for semantic change, enhancing the flexibility and innovation in language use. These prefixes not only enable grammatical transformations but also drive semantic evolution, expanding the expressive potential of the language. It is also worth noting that the compounds vadyanhlampfi and muhoxaxandla are metaphorical expressions, as their meanings cannot be directly inferred from their basic constituents. For example, the meaning of the compound vadyanhlampfi originates from observations of dietary practices. English-speaking communities, especially during colonial and missionary periods in Southern Africa, were often recognised for dominating the fishing industry and regularly consuming fish as a staple food (Kalina et al. 2019; Viljoen & Gericke 2001). This practice likely stood in contrast to the traditional diets of the Xitsonga-speaking people, who relied more heavily on other staple foods. Over time, this distinct dietary habit became a cultural marker, ultimately leading to the lexicalisation of the term vadyahlampfi, symbolising English-speaking individuals.

Nominal prefixes function as quantitative specifiers in compound word formation. Beyond their grammatical role, they carry a semantic weight that modifies base word properties measurable in number, amount, size or weight (Hamawand 2011). Acting as linguistic architects, these prefixes enhance flexibility and specificity, allowing language to adapt to various communicative needs by accurately reflecting quantitative changes (Acton 2023). They specify number, amount or degree, providing a concise and efficient method for expressing quantity (Mpalanzi 2023). By altering the semantic content of the base word, especially in Xitsonga, they generate a spectrum of quantitative nuances in compound words. However, the exact quantitative value conveyed by these prefixes can vary across languages and cultural contexts, necessitating careful consideration of the specific linguistic system in question, as presented in Figure 3a and Figure 3b.

The analysis of compound words such as maphephahungu (newspapers) and tihoncinhova (warthogs) reflects the principles of the functional linguistic approach by highlighting how nominal prefixes contribute to the formation and meaning of compound words in Xitsonga. This approach emphasises that language elements, including prefixes, serve specific functions that impact communication and meaning. In Figure 3a, maphephahungu is formed by combining the Class 6 prefix /ma-/ with the nouns phepha (paper) and hungu (news). Here, the prefix /ma-/ adds a collective or plural dimension to the base noun, creating a compound word that denotes a collection of newspapers. Similarly, Figure 3b shows tihoncinhova, which combines the Class 10 prefix /ti-/ with honci (pig) and nhova (veld), resulting in a term for warthogs. The prefix /ti-/ in this case also introduces a collective or plural aspect to the meaning of the compound. These examples illustrate the functional role of prefixes in shaping the semantic and grammatical properties of compound words (Van Valin Jr. 2003). The prefixes /ma-/ and /ti-/ modify the base words by adding quantitative dimensions, thus forming new lexical items with specific meanings. According to the functional linguistic approach, such modifications are not arbitrary but serve to fulfil communicative needs by providing additional layers of meaning and context (Chesnokova, Khramchenko & Kupriyanova 2020). This demonstrates how prefixes function dynamically within Xitsonga, contributing to both the structure and semantics of compound words. It also aligns with the functional linguistic view that linguistic elements serve specific, context-dependent functions in communication. Table 3 offers additional examples of how nominal prefixes quantify compound words in Xitsonga.

Table 3 shows how the addition of nominal prefixes /ma-/ in matikoxikaya (rural areas), /mi-/ in mitlhavelankuzi (thorn-trees), /swi-/ in swidzikisamarhumbu (well-prepared foods) and /va-/ in vantukuluxidzi (grandsons) modifies the basic components of these compounds to denote variations in number or amount. This practice enhances the Xitsonga language by introducing nuanced expressions of quantity.

In Xitsonga, nominal prefixes can function as locative markers within compound word formations. Mallya (2020) explained that in Bantu languages, locative marking is integrated into the nominal prefix system. By attaching these prefixes to existing words, new lexical items that specify location relative to a reference point are created, carrying spatial meanings that modify the base word to indicate position, direction or proximity (Van de Velde 2019). Hickmann and Robert (eds. 2006) noted that this morphological process allows languages to encode spatial information concisely and efficiently, thereby expanding the lexicon’s expressive capabilities. However, they also suggest that the specific spatial meanings conveyed by these prefixes can vary significantly across different languages and cultural contexts. This ability to indicate location through nominal prefixes enhances the descriptive capacity of Xitsonga compound words, allowing for a more detailed and nuanced description of spatial relations, as illustrated in Figure 4a and Figure 4b.

The analysis of the compound words vuchavelawhawha (exile) and marhandzambilu (a beloved place) exemplifies the functional linguistic approach by illustrating how nominal prefixes play a crucial role in shaping the meaning and structure of compound words in Xitsonga, particularly in reflecting various locative aspects. In the case of vuchavelawhawha, the compound is formed by combining the Class 14 prefix /vu-/ with the verb stem chavela (flee or take refuge) and the ideophone whawha (the sound of a sjambok when it strikes something). The verb stem chavela itself is derived from chava (be anxious or frightened) through the applicative extension, which adds the suffix /-el-/ and the ending /-a/. The functional linguistic approach emphasises that each component of the compound contributes specific functional roles (Halliday & Matthiessen 2013). Here, the prefix /vu-/ serves to alter the verb stem and ideophone by providing a nominal class marker that transforms them into a compound word with a new, integrated meaning related to the concept of exile. Similarly, in marhandzambilu, the compound combines the Class 6 prefix /ma-/ with the verb stem rhandza (love) and the noun mbilu (heart). The prefix /ma-/ functions as the head of the compound, adding a specific grammatical and semantic role that transforms a simple verbal phrase into a compound that denotes a beloved place. The prefix imparts spatial and emotional significance, which reflects the compound’s meaning as a cherished or emotionally significant location. These examples reflect the functional linguistic view by showing how prefixes modify and enhance the meanings of compound words, thereby fulfilling specific communicative functions. The prefixes /vu-/ and /ma-/ are not mere grammatical markers but actively contribute to the compound’s semantic content by adding locative and emotional dimensions. This approach underscores the role of prefixes in organising and contextualising meaning, aligning with the functional linguistic perspective that language elements serve functions in communication and structure. Table 4 shows other examples of compounds where nominal prefixes function as locative markers in Xitsonga.

Table 4 demonstrates how the Xitsonga Class 14 /vu-/ and Class 6 /ma-/ nominal prefixes are affixed to the base components of the compounds vupeladyambu (west), vuhumadyambu (east), vurilanhlalala (wilderness), vugimamusi (horizon), and mahlangananhlolo (ball-and-socket joint). The meanings of the compounds vupeladyambu, vuhumadyambu and mahlangananhlolo can be directly inferred from their basic components. In contrast, the compounds vurilanhlalala and vugimamusi possess metaphorical meanings that cannot be derived from their components. These compounds suggest movement towards a specific location, introducing a sense of dynamism to the word’s meaning. This ability to indicate direction and position enhances linguistic expression, providing a more precise and comprehensive depiction of spatial concepts.

Nominal prefixes serve as significant nominal temporal markers, conveying temporal information when attached to existing words. Tonhauser (2007) describes these markers as morphemes that attach to word bases to express aspects of time. They can be either prefixes or suffixes that modify the base words to indicate duration, frequency, sequence or temporal proximity (Adamou 2015). The integration of temporal prefixes encapsulates time within the word itself, reducing the need for additional temporal adverbs or prepositional phrases (eds. Bauer, Lieber & Plag 2013). In Xitsonga, nominal prefixes act as temporal markers, integrating time-related semantics into the nominal structure of compound words. This process transforms the meaning of the base words to reflect temporal relations, as shown in Figure 5a and Figure 5b.

Figure 5a demonstrates the creation of the nominal compound mahlambandlopfu (dawn) by combining the Class 6 prefix /ma-/ with the verb stem hlamba (bath) and the noun ndlopfu (elephant). Figure 5b depicts the compound vugimadyambu (solstice), formed by merging the Class 14 prefix /vu-/ with the verb stem gima (end) and the noun dyambu (sun). The inclusion of the nominal prefixes /ma-/ and /vu-/ in these compounds transforms the modifying elements into distinct lexical items that convey temporal aspects such as time, thereby enhancing descriptive precision and expressive range. Without these prefixes, the elements would merely function as verbal phrases. The compound mahlambandlopfu metaphorically refers to the time of the day when the sun rises. The temporal relation stems from the verb hlamba, which suggests an action occurring at a specific time, which in this case is sunrise. On the other hand, the compound vugimadyambu captures the temporal concept of the solstice. The temporal connection in this case is embedded in the verb stem gima, which signifies cessation or conclusion, tying the term to a specific seasonal event. Therefore, the temporal nuances introduced by these prefixes can vary based on linguistic and cultural contexts, reflecting a diverse range of temporal expressions across languages (eds. Bauer et al. 2013). This highlights the significant role of nominal prefixes in compound word formation and their impact on articulating time-related information in Xitsonga. Table 5 provides further examples illustrating how the attachment of nominal prefixes serves as temporal markers in compound word formation.

Table 5 illustrates the Xitsonga compound word ximanguvalawa (modern), where the prefix /xi-/ plays a crucial role in forming new lexical items that encode temporal aspects, thereby enriching the word’s descriptive precision and expressive range. According to functional linguistic theory, prefixes like /xi-/ are not merely grammatical markers but functional elements that contribute significantly to the meaning of compound words. They serve specific communicative functions by adding layers of meaning related to time, which enhances the language’s ability to convey nuanced and contextually relevant information.