A set of techniques known as word formation allows for the creation of new words from pre-existing lexical objects. To distinguish things, like gods, people, days, continents, countries, rivers, mountains and plants, these entities are given names (Mziray & Lusekelo 2023:2). Languages utilise word creation procedures to build their vocabulary or terminology. Any human language’s vocabulary is continually being flooded with words, including plant names, created through a variety of word formation techniques so that the language can convey or name things, ideas, acts and concepts (Kari 2016). Word formation is a very extensive and frequent activity that relies on a few different processes of joining morphemes because of the constant expansion of everyday vocabulary. Languages differ in terms of the strategies they employ in forming plant names; for example, in the Digo language according to Mziray and Lusekelo (2023:3), plant names are constructed through strategies of borrowing, phrasal expressions (object phrases, non-determiner phrases and genitive phrases) and reduplication.

The researcher was inspired to investigate the strategies used in Northern Sotho to construct plant names due to different strategies used in producing plant names in different languages, such as English, Chasu and Digo. This study identified and discussed different word formation strategies used by Northern Sotho communities to name plants. Even though earlier research on Northern Sotho plants focused on the reduplication of names, traditional medicine applications and medicinal plant processing techniques, the strategies used in the formation of names were not thoroughly investigated. The present study aims to analyse word formation strategies used to form plant names in Northern Sotho, with the objective of preserving the knowledge of the etymology of these plant names. Word formation strategies, such as affixation, compounding, reduplication and semantic extension (Mziray & Lusekelo 2023), are analysed in this study. Affixation is a morphological process in which a base word is modified by adding affixes to create a new term (Toluspayeva et al. 2024). The nomenclature principle, which is used to categorise plant names, supports the cultural keystone species theory (Gaoue et al. 2017) that forms the basis of the research framework. Data of plant names were collected from existing sources, including articles, scholarly books, dissertations and theses with most of the names sourced from Louwrens’ (2001) list of Northern Sotho plant names. The data collected were analysed using the qualitative method.

Oraib et al. (2014) used an ethnobotanic approach to investigate the features and distribution of plants used by local people of Northern Jordan. In their study it was found that plants are still important for conservation and community-based activities, such as the production of food, wood and medicine. The naming and classification of plants may be influenced by the botanical knowledge of the Northern Jordanian community, whose language reflects their cultural customs and environmental characteristics. The study of Oraib et al. (2014) makes a great contribution to this study as it indicates the relationship between language and culture in the naming of plants. However, while their study concentrates on the uses of the local plants, this study concentrates on the naming of plants in terms of word formation strategies, which will assist the Northern Sotho communities to gain a cultural understanding of the plant names.

A thorough synchronic investigation of compound plant names in English terminology was conducted by Šokčevićová (2015). Her theoretical section provides an overview of various techniques applied to categorisation based on the body of research that is currently accessible in the analysis of compound plant names. In the application section, the frequency of the occurrence of these categories is compared, and the dominant patterns are examined. The last section of her study offers a thorough examination of noun-noun compounds, concentrating on the semantic relationships between the two nouns that are not stated in the compounds themselves. According to Šokčevićová (2015:10), words are categorised in two primary groups: ‘complex’ and ‘simple’ words. From a morphological perspective, basic words like ‘rose’ and ‘tulip’ cannot be further divided, whereas complex words, like ‘blueberry’, are clearly formed by combining smaller, meaningful pieces known as morphemes. In this study, it is necessary to clarify that Šokčevićová’s reference to complex and simple words in English has a different application in African languages as most of their words are morphologically complex; for example a word such as motšhidi [sourplum] can be divided further into a prefix (mo-) and a stem (-tšhidi), which is the lexical constituent of the word. In order to distinguish words with one lexical constituent from other morphologically complex words, which contain two or more lexical constituents, the term ‘compound’ has been used in linguistic descriptions (Kosch 2006:14); for example, modulakgogo [lowveld cluster leaf] would be described as a compound noun as it contains two lexical constituents, namely -dul- and kgogo.

Kari (2016) lists and analyses several word formation strategies that Degema uses to create words. According to Kari, Degema uses affixation, compounding, reduplication, borrowing, clipping and semantic extension as word production techniques. Reduplication and clipping, which are more frequently used in proper nouns, are regarded to be less common in language usage than affixation, compounding, borrowing and semantic expansion. Any human language that is meant to serve the communication needs of its users is constantly being inundated with new words, especially content words that are formed through a variety of word formation strategies and can express or name new objects, ideas or concepts, actions and states of being. Although Degema is an Edoid language spoken on Degema Island and in the Niger Delta (Kari 2016), while Northern Sotho is a language spoken in South Africa, both languages share an African linguistic background that frequently uses comparable plant naming techniques. Among these techniques are compounding, affixation and reduplication. By taking into account how these techniques might also be used in Northern Sotho, which reflects common human activities in language usage and cultural engagement with the environment, it is possible to better understand the function that word construction plays in plant names in Degema. Informed by Kari’s research, this study will focus on strategies such as affixation, compounding, reduplication and semantic extension to form plant names in Northern Sotho.

Constant and Tshisikhawe (2018) used a case study of the Vhavenda to investigate how a rural South African community uses and practises their knowledge and beliefs of plant species for biodiversity conservation on common lands. In their study the Vhavenda people’s use and knowledge of native plants were the main subject of ethnobotanical research. The Vhavenda people’s cultural and linguistic systems are also intricately linked to the ethnobotanical knowledge and plant naming customs of the Northern Sotho people. The important word formation strategies employed in Northern Sotho plant names illustrate the diverse roles that plants have in local culture, including ecological, spiritual and medicinal purposes. These knowledge systems work together to support a sustainable strategy for biodiversity conservation that is based on a profound reverence for nature and an advanced linguistic framework that expresses this appreciation.

Louwrens (2001), who studied plant names, emphasises reduplication of Northern Sotho and Setswana plant names. In his study, Louwrens (2001) indicates that shrubs as a life form have a greater tendency of reduplicating than trees as a life form, an observation that is mirrored in the structure of names given to shrubs and trees respectively. This study will include reduplication as a word formation strategy but will differ from Louwrens’ study as only Northern Sotho plant names will be discussed and analysed. Most of the plant names in this study were sourced from Louwrens (2001).

Gaoue et al. (2017) assert that ethnobotany focuses on the study of indigenous plants and the practical understanding of those plants using the traditional knowledge of the communities and their culture. The ethnobotanic idea of the cultural keystone species theory, which is supported by the nomenclature principle used to categorise plant names, serves as the framework for this research. In their study of ethnobotany, Gaoue et al. (2017) explain that, according to the cultural keystone species theory, some plant or animal species are essential to sociocultural systems, and their extinction would have a detrimental effect on cultural stability and identity. Coe II (2018:iv) supports Gaoue et al. (2017) by indicating that the disappearance of these species is anticipated to have a major impact on cultural integrity and balance since it suggests that cultural keystones are projected to influence culture and language. In this article, the cultural keystone species theory is employed as the use of word formation strategies of plant names in Northern Sotho and is based on the cultural significance of specific plants and how their names reflect these cultural values. As a result, Northern Sotho’s word formation techniques support the preservation of traditional knowledge, social structure and cultural identity within the community by reflecting the cultural significance of keystone species linguistically.

Ethnobotanic methods of data collection are purely qualitative in nature. In qualitative research, various forms of data are collected, interpreted and compared from different sources in search of common themes to support the validity of the study (Leedy & Ormrod 2001:32). In this article, a qualitative design was employed because subjective and inductive reasoning were used to explain and describe meanings attached to the names of plants. The study is more explanatory and descriptive. Thematic data analysis was used to unpack the themes emerging from different types of word formation strategies. According to Braun and Clarke (2006:78), the goal of thematic data analysis is to identify and categorise themes and research patterns that address research phenomena. Ethnobotanic data gathered from books, journals, dictionaries, terminology lists, conference papers and articles related to the topic were analysed. To guarantee the quality and reliability of the data used in this article, the researcher herself gathered the data from pre-existing records. By using a dependable data source, the source can be trusted to produce consistent results under comparable circumstances, and the data are guaranteed to be correct and stable. Reliability is essential to guarantee that inferences made from data are reliable and reproducible. By examining pertinent sources, the validity of this material was confirmed. To verify validity even further, sources discussing the word formation techniques of Northern Sotho plant names were examined to identify recurring themes. Since the data in this article stem from sources published in different years, it is regarded as legitimate and trustworthy, which confirms reliability.

Semantic extension is a technique for extending the literal meaning of a word, phrase or expression to something other than what it originally means (Mziray & Lusekelo, 2023:2). Kari (2016) contends that semantic extension is the process by which one or more semantic senses from the same or a different conceptual domain are added to the primary semantic sense or emphasis of a linguistic item. The following plant names in Northern Sotho contain examples of semantic extension:

The botanical plant name mmidibidi ‘Cape ash’ is derived from the Northern Sotho word lebidi, which according to Ziervogel and Mokgokong (1975) means ‘veranda’ or ‘stoep with a roof’. This shows that the enormous tree with its spreading branches, which communities highly value for the shade it provides, is semantically related to a veranda.

The botanical name monepenepe is derived from -nepenepe, which according to Ziervogel and Mokgokong (1975) means ‘honeycomb’. The tree’s sweet-smelling, yellow flowers, which are produced in enormous loose sprays before the leaves, are what give rise to the semantic relationship between this tree and honeycomb, hence monepenepe.

The biological grass name lehlokwanalatsela comprises a noun lehlokwana ‘diminutive of grass’ and another noun tsela ‘road’. Sometimes the prefix le- is omitted and the noun becomes hlokwana. The relation between lehlokwana and tsela is expressed by the concord la ‘of’, which makes the noun tsela to qualify lehlokwana. The grass is long and only grows near the road, which is what gave rise to the semantic extension of the name lehlokwanalatsela meaning ‘the grass which grows near the road’.

Some other plant names with semantic extension include the following:

The findings of this study indicate that plants are the cultural key species in Northern Sotho communities. It was found that the morphological structure of most of the plant names in Northern Sotho comprises a noun class prefix, which is either singular or plural, with a noun root. In some plant names, the root is suffixed with -na or -ne. Word formation strategies, such as affixation, compounding, reduplication and semantic extension, are very important in the formation of plant names. Affixation is the major strategy used in naming plants in Northern Sotho as most of the plants contain class prefixes. Most of the plant names in Northern Sotho are classified under the affixation strategy with Mo- as the prefix. Mo- is a class prefix of noun class 3, which refers to non-human species, especially plants in the singular. In the plural, the class prefix is Me-, noun class 4. It was further found that some plant names deviate from the class prefix Mo- and Me- and use class prefix Se- (noun class 7 singular) and class prefix Di- (noun class 8 plural), Le- (noun class 5 singular) and Ma- (noun class 6 plural). There are some plant names which do not feature any class prefix, such as theepe ‘pigweed’ and mphalatšamaru ‘wild asparagus’. Some plant names are extended with the suffix -na or -ne, which are the diminutive suffixes in Northern Sotho. However, in these instances, they are used as verbal extensions. Other strategies, such as compounding, reduplication and semantic extension, are used in conjunction with affixation in the naming of plants.

The article contributes to knowledge of plants as the cultural keystone species in Northern Sotho communities and plant names, which often carry deep cultural meanings, reflecting the relationship between the community and the environment. Understanding how and why certain strategies are employed in naming plants offers insights into cultural significance of the plants. Documenting the formation of the plant names contributes to the preservation of linguistic and cultural knowledge for future generations.

In the context of Northern Sotho, the names given to plants reflect their social, cultural and environmental importance. Plants are the culturally significant species that bind the Northern Sotho communities together and facilitate a better understanding of the relationship between language, culture and the environment. Documenting ethnobotanical knowledge of plant names of Northern Sotho communities is an important activity that helps define the cultural identities of the communities concerned and provides the evidence for linking them with the land. The study revealed that Northern Sotho word creation techniques, including affixation, compounding, reduplication and semantic extension, serve as a linguistic reflection of the cultural importance of keystone species, helping to maintain traditional knowledge, social structures and cultural identity within the community. It is recommended that a further study be undertaken on word formation strategies that are used in the naming of plants in Northern Sotho with a focus on the relationship between their morphological and semantic structures.