The syntactic position of interjections plays a critical role in shaping their meaning and communicative function. Jovanovic (2004) argues that in English, interjections are typically found at the beginning or end of sentences, although they can also appear in medial positions. The positioning affects their emotional intensity, with strong emotional interjections like ‘Oh!’ often initiating sentences to indicate surprise or alarm, while milder interjections such as ‘alas’ are used at the end of sentences to express a reflective mood. Jovanovic concludes that the placement of interjections impacts their syntactic independence, with those at the beginning often forming loose adjuncts or disjuncts. These observations underscore how syntactic placement in English not only affects sentence flow but also intensifies meaning.

Similarly, Schelfhout and colleagues (2005) explore the syntactic positioning of interjections in Dutch and find that interjections in this language typically occur in the initial or final position of clauses. The placement is influenced by factors such as text type and the emotional intensity of the interjection. Strong emotional interjections tend to appear at the beginning, while those that serve to focus attention are placed at the end. This reveals a cross-linguistic tendency to associate initial interjections with stronger emotional or attentional functions. The authors also note that longer interjections are more likely to occur in the final position in Dutch, especially in spoken language, suggesting that placement is a flexible phenomenon influenced by text type and function.

Expanding the analysis to isiXhosa, Andrason and Matutu (2019) examine the syntactic role of interjections in this Bantu language and find that they are often holophrastic, functioning independently as complete utterances. In isiXhosa, interjections resist syntactic integration and maintain their independence, even when part of larger utterances. They frequently occupy peripheral positions and are separated by commas or ellipses, suggesting a phonological disjunction that emphasises their communicative significance. This pattern resonates with Jovanovic’s findings in English, highlighting that peripheral positioning is common across languages.

Mao (2020) compares the syntactic positions of interjections in English and Chinese, revealing similarities in both languages. Interjections in English and Chinese can occur in the initial, medial or final positions, with strong interjections like ‘Oh!’ (English) or ‘啊’ (Chinese) often placed at the beginning of sentences to convey strong emotions. Medial interjections serve as amplifiers or commentary on the surrounding sentence, while final interjections may serve to reinforce or summarise the sentence’s mood. Both languages demonstrate that interjections are structurally flexible but emotionally charged elements within communication. This suggests a universal linguistic trend where interjections operate at the boundaries of syntactic rules while fulfilling essential communicative functions.

Interjections serve not only syntactic but also communicative and pragmatic functions, often acting as markers of emotional or cognitive states. In their analysis of New Testament Greek, Andrason and Mañas (2021) find that interjections in this ancient language are often used to express strong emotions or draw attention. For instance, the interjection [οὐαί] (ouai!) signifies sorrow or judgement, while [ἀµήν] (amen!) communicates agreement or certainty. These interjections, similar to their counterparts in other languages, are largely independent of the surrounding grammatical structure but play a crucial role in communicating the speaker’s intent.

Jing (2021), utilising the framework of systemic functional linguistics (SFL), explores the interpersonal functions of interjections in English film dialogue. The study distinguishes between minor speech functions (exclamations, alarms, calls) and latched functions (expletives, vocatives), emphasising that interjections are essential in initiating or responding to communicative moves. This classification illuminates the crucial role interjections play in communication, acting as vehicles for interpersonal meaning rather than mere emotional outbursts. For instance, an exclamation like ‘Wow!’ in a conversation initiates an interpersonal move, while latched interjections like ‘huh’ expect a compliant response from the interlocutor. Jing’s analysis demonstrates that interjections contribute significantly to conversational flow and interpersonal meaning, especially in informal contexts.

Relevance theory provides a framework for understanding the communicative functions of interjections in Ga, a Kwa language spoken in Ghana. Ollennu (2017) analyses the interjections in natural Ga conversations and observes that their meaning varies depending on tone and context. Interjections such as ‘hmmm’ can express agreement, while ‘waat’ may convey excitement. The spontaneity and emotional richness of Ga interjections underscore their importance in everyday communication, with their meaning shaped by intonation and immediate social context. The study also notes the role of repetition for emphasis, as seen when the interjection ‘kpa’ (meaning ‘stop’) is repeated to convey strong emotion.

Interjections are not only communicative tools but also bear cultural significance, reflecting the values and emotional expressions of different speech communities. Romain, Emmanuel and Ngowah (2016) explore the role of interjections in two Bantu Grassfield languages, Awing and Yemba, in Cameroon. The study highlights the cultural importance of mother tongue interjections in preserving linguistic heritage and argues for their inclusion in literacy programmes. For example, the Awing interjection ‘Ĺnoù!’ expresses assurance, while the Yemba interjection ‘A ́p̄p!’ conveys surprise. These interjections, deeply rooted in the cultural context of their speakers, serve as important markers of identity and social interaction.

Norrick (2009) provides further insight into the pragmatic roles of interjections, differentiating between primary and secondary interjections in English. Primary interjections like ‘oh’ are typically used to initiate conversational turns and reflect a change in the speaker’s cognitive state, while secondary interjections like ‘wow’ function as pragmatic markers that signal contrast or elaboration in conversation. Norrick’s analysis emphasises the open-ended nature of interjections, which allows for the constant inclusion of new items into the language. This flexibility, coupled with their universal pragmatic functions, suggests that interjections are a distinctive class of speech acts with significant communicative potential.

In Xitsonga, interjections may occur in the initial position of a sentence. The initial position of an interjection is its placement at the beginning of a sentence or phrase, often considered independent, meaning it is not grammatically or functionally related to other word classes in the sentence (Nugroho & Setyaningsih 2019). When interjections are placed at the beginning of a sentence in Xitsonga, they serve to immediately convey the speaker’s emotional state or reaction. The positioning allows for a direct and impactful expression of feelings, setting the tone for the rest of the sentence or conversation, as demonstrated in Example 1:

The interjections ‘Huree!’, ‘Hawu!’ and ‘Exi!’ function as emotional markers in the provided texts, respectively signalling self-confidence, surprise and distress. These interjections are positioned at sentence beginnings and followed by exclamation points to intensify emotional expression. For instance, ‘Huree!’ as a primary interjection is employed by Hadisa to bolster his claim to Misery of being a capable traditional healer. Similarly, ‘Hawu!’ expresses Khambule’s shock upon hearing the illness of Professor Xirilo. The interjection ‘Exi!’, a secondary Xitsonga transliteration of the English ‘Eish,’ conveys Jimmy’s anguish over his girlfriend’s infidelity. In terms of prototype theory, these interjections can be seen as prototypical examples of their respective emotional categories in communication. They serve as adjuncts, enhancing emotional impact without altering sentence structure. Adjuncts are nonessential elements that provide extra information but are not crucial for grammatical integrity (Ernst 2001; Sailor & Schütze 2013). Thus, removing interjections ‘Huree!’, ‘Hawu!’ and ‘Exi!’ maintains grammatical correctness but significantly diminishes the emotional impact of the utterances. Xitsonga interjections can also be independent utterances in a sentence, separated by a comma from other word classes, as illustrated in Example 2:

In this example, the interjections ‘Eish,’ ‘Hay’ and ‘Oh’ initiate each sentence, separated by a comma to communicate the emotions of concern, surprise, disbelief and remembrance. Mafada uses ‘Eish’ to express concern after missing a snooker shot because of a loss of concentration while interacting with Thomas and Khangela. Man. Nkuzana’s ‘Hay’ powerfully conveys both surprise and disbelief following her visit to see Professor Xirilo in the hospital. This expression serves as an emotional response to something unexpected or difficult to accept, reinforcing the speaker’s astonishment. Jean’s ‘Oh’ indicates remembrance upon realising that he forgot to introduce Thuli Zondo to Professor Xirilo. These interjections also function independently as adjuncts, adding emotional context without altering the grammatical structure of each sentence. Huddleston and Pullum (2002) elucidate that this syntactic feature also allows interjections to have a prominent and impactful role in conveying the speaker’s emotions or emphasising a point. These interjections exemplify prototype theory by serving as prototypical expressions of their respective emotions. Their initial placement within sentences amplifies emotional impact, highlighting the speaker’s affective state.

Xitsonga interjections can also be juxtaposed in the initial position to signify intense emotions. When interjections are juxtaposed in the initial position, they create a strong emphasis on the emotions being expressed, as shown in Example 3:

In these instances, the speakers’ emotions are conveyed through interjections placed at the beginning of each sentence, separated by a comma. In 3(a), Sukani uses ‘Hm’ and ‘mawaku’ to express desire after Professor Xirilo mentions his invitation to a wedding. In 3(b), Misery uses ‘Yoo’ and ‘mhanee’ to convey fear upon seeing a snake while entering Hadisa’s consultation room. In 3(c), Bayizani employs ‘Yoo’ and the English interjection ‘please’ to express intense remorse and guilt, pleading for forgiveness after his wife Valerie divorces him because of his extramarital affair with Ella. The juxtaposed interjections function as adjuncts, adding emotional context without altering the grammatical structure of the sentences in the initial position.

In Xitsonga, a single interjection may be duplicated, triplicated or repeated a number of times to emphasise the intensity of the feelings communicated in the initial position. This approach emphasises the importance of distribution and repetition in influencing the emotional impact of a sentence, as presented in Example 4:

In the examples above, the interjections ‘Heyi’ and ‘Well’ in 4(a) and 4(b) are triplicated at the beginning of each sentence to demonstrate escalating anger and mild disapproval, respectively. They are separated by commas, functioning as both independent utterances and adjuncts. In 4(a), Ella uses ‘Heyi’ to express anger after Bayizani demands the return of household appliances he bought during their relationship. In 4(b), Professor Xirilo repeats the interjection ‘Well’ to express mild disapproval and mixed emotions regarding an event he attended. He acknowledges that although the experience was not entirely negative, it still left him feeling constrained. This interjection was directly adopted from English into Xitsonga dialogue to convey the speaker’s emotions. In 4(c), Sarah repeats ‘Yoo’ five times to signify intense pain and mental suffering after drinking the concoction given by Solly to terminate her pregnancy. The repetition of interjections emphasises the increasing intensity of the speakers’ emotions, providing rapid insight into their heightened states of mind. Placing interjections at the beginning effectively captures the reader’s or listener’s attention and sets the tone and mood of the conversation or narrative.

The medial position of an interjection in a sentence refers to its placement in the middle, rather than at the beginning or end, of a sentence or utterance. Andrason and Mañas (2021) assert that while this position is less common than introducing an interjection at the beginning of a sentence, it can still be effectively used to convey emotions or reactions. Interjections can be positioned in the middle of a sentence to accentuate the reported speech or the speaker’s monologue (Mykhaylenko 2016). In Xitsonga, interjections are used in the medial position of a sentence to emphasise the speaker’s state of mind or create a dramatic effect. In this position, Xitsonga interjections are used to disrupt thought or action, indicating a sudden emotional response or shift in focus. This position allows for a more nuanced portrayal of emotions within the sentence context, as presented in Example 5:

In the examples above, the interjections ‘wenoo,’ ‘heyi’ and ‘eeeee’ are inserted in the middle of sentences, separated by commas. The interjection ‘wenoo’ in 5(a) is used by Elizabeth to clarify and resolve confusion after she calls mourning cloths uniforms, which had confused Misery. In 5(b), the interjection ‘heyi’, used by Magaza, conveys admiration or surprise, emphasising the impressive quality of Zuma’s carving and Lulu’s resemblance to her sister. In 5(c), the interjection ‘eeeee’ expresses Misery’s intense emotional plea for help after visiting the traditional healer Hadisa. The repetition of ‘e’ intensifies Misery’s sense of urgency and desperation, indicating to Hadisa that she is in distress and urgently needs assistance. This emotional weight elevates ‘eeeee’ beyond a mere filler; it effectively conveys Misery’s feelings and enhances the overall message. These interjections function as adjuncts, providing emotional nuance without altering the sentence’s grammaticality. Alessandra (2019) noted that interjections in this position enhance the emotional tone and nuance of the sentence, conveying specific emotional and phonic variations independently of the sentence’s main structure.

Interjections in Xitsonga can also occur at the end of a sentence or utterance, sometimes separated by a comma, except for rare instances of obsolete interjections (Jovanovic 2004). The speakers use this position to emphasise their emotional reaction or tone as a final remark, often providing a strong representation of their feelings, as shown in Example 6:

In the examples above, ‘xem!’, ‘minoo?’ and ‘ndziwena!’ are interjections positioned flexibly at the end of the sentences to evoke strong emotional responses, namely sympathy, pain and anger. In 6(b), Tebogo uses ‘xem!’ to express sympathy towards Simon (Bra Sai) upon learning of his wife Sukani’s affair with Professor Xirilo. In 6(b), ‘minoo?’ reflects pain as Talenta Munene mourns her son Fumani’s suicide. In 6(c), Xitlhanyi uses ‘ndziwena!’ to express anger after a disagreement with her husband Albert over the ethics of giving exam answers to learners. These interjections, marked by exclamation and question marks, provide crucial emotional context and enhance the intensity of the speaker’s feelings without changing the fundamental meaning of the sentences. Positioned at the end, they serve as adjuncts, adding emotional closure or emphasis.

It may also be possible in Xitsonga for interjections to stand alone, forming complete sentences or utterances despite technically not being sentences. Mykhaylenko (2016) points out that interjections can function as complete sentences or expressions without any additional words or context. Interjections in this position, punctuated with an exclamation mark, function as holophrases, indicating a distinct feeling or reaction. In linguistics, holophrases are single words or utterances that convey complete ideas or sentences, encapsulating more complex meanings within context (Andrason & Mañas 2021; Andrason & Matutu 2019; Mao 2020). It often symbolises an entire sentence or idea expressed in just one word, extending beyond the conventional meaning of that symbol (Brink 2020). In this position, interjections functioning as holophrases in Xitsonga provide a concise and direct way to express emotions, as shown in Example 7:

In the examples above, ‘Mh!’, ‘Mani?’ and ‘Hayikho!’ are interjections that stand alone and function as complete utterances, expressing emotions of agreement, surprise and clear denial or disagreement, respectively. They are punctuated with exclamation or question marks to indicate the intensity of the emotions being conveyed. In 7(a), Xiluva’s use of the primary interjection ‘Mh!’ serves as a brief, nonverbal acknowledgement or muted reaction to Jimmy’s call, indicating that she is listening without providing a detailed verbal response. In 7(b), the interjection ‘Mani?’ punctuated with a question mark by police officer Mamabolo expresses surprise upon hearing the name of the person they were seeking after he killed the university lecturer Lekgetla, adding an emotional layer to the conversation and highlighting Mamabolo’s unexpected reaction. According to Yatno and colleagues (2018), a word ending with a question mark can be considered an interjection when it expresses an immediate reaction, such as surprise or disbelief, or prompts a response without forming a complete question. In 7(c), Matimu and Tiyani (Hinkwavo) use ‘Hayikho!’ collectively to express clear denial or disagreement when their father, Sunday, asks if they have eaten. This interjection serves as a straightforward and emphatic negation, indicating that they have not eaten since returning from church. The positions of the interjections in each sentence allow for the direct and immediate expression of feelings in response to a situation or stimulus. Poggi (2009) elucidates that interjections are more primal than sentences, as they convey a vast array of meanings within a single linguistic unit. Therefore, using interjections as standalone utterances is a concise and powerful approach for expressing emotions in casual or conversational settings, promoting brevity and immediacy.

Other than occupying one specific position highlighted above, it may be possible for interjections to occupy two or more of the positions mentioned above within a single sentence to emphasise the intensity of the speaker’s emotions (Andrason & Matutu 2019). They can be used in various positions within a single sentence to simultaneously convey various emotions and reactions. In Xitsonga, a single sentence can contain both initial and medial interjections, as illustrated in Example 8:

In the examples above, the use of interjections in both initial and medial positions within a single sentence allows the speaker to convey nuanced and varied emotions. In 8(a), Sarah’s initial interjection ‘Aa’ reflects her surprise when Solly mentions his exercise regimen during their hotel stay. The medial interjection ‘e-e’ introduces a moment of self-correction, emphasising Sarah’s point about exercising in the hotel room. In 8(b), the initial interjection ‘Yoo’ conveys an immediate burst of pain by Sarah after taking a concoction given by Solly to terminate her pregnancy. The interjection ‘yooo’ in the medial position intensifies her deep pain and concern that she might die without her family knowing the cause of her death. This demonstrates how using both initial and medial interjections can significantly enhance the emotional impact of an utterance.

Interjections in Xitsonga can also potentially take the initial and final positions in a single utterance. In Example 9, it is evident that various nuances of thoughts and expressions are being conveyed within a single sentence:

In the examples above, the speakers effectively convey high levels of emotions such as surprise, admiration, agreement, frustration and pain by using different interjections in both the initial and final positions of a single sentence. This approach aligns with the principles of prototype theory, which suggests that certain linguistic elements are more central or prototypical in expressing specific categories of meaning (Burov & Karpov 2023; Priatelova 2020). In 9(a), the primary interjection ‘Huu’ expresses Misery’s surprise and admiration for Florence’s wealth and lifestyle, while the interjection ‘neh!’ confirms her assumption that Florence is financially well off, as she seeks affirmation of her perception. In 9(b), the initial interjection ‘Yooo’ provides a rapid explosion of frustration from Professor Xirilo upon hearing from police officer Mphahlele about the death of Albert Thabang Lekgetla. This frustration stems from knowing that Lekgetla was using his car, while the secondary interjection ‘minooo!’ at the end emphasises the pain Professor Xirilo feels about both the death and his car, which was found burned at the crime scene. In 9(c), Man. Xirilo uses the primary interjection ‘Yooo’ at the beginning to express her frustration upon seeing her husband, Professor Xirilo, admitted to the hospital with a serious illness. He was found to have advanced-stage human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). The interjection ‘minooo!’ at the end intensifies her deep pain and distress upon seeing her husband lying in the hospital. It is also important to note that the sentence structure involves a comma at the beginning and an exclamation mark at the end to separate interjections from other parts of the sentence. Therefore, interjections in both the initial and final positions of a sentence can significantly enhance its emotional impact, creating a dynamic and dramatic statement of the speaker’s emotions, as highlighted by prototype theory, effectively conveying heightened emotional states within linguistic structures.

In some cases, a single sentence in Xitsonga may incorporate interjections in both middle and final positions for added emphasis and emotional expressiveness, as shown in Example 10:

In the examples above, Xitsonga interjections are strategically positioned in the medial and final positions within a single utterance to enable speakers to convey complex emotional messages. These interjections are classified as secondary, as they are all derived from other parts of speech, such as nouns and pronouns. In 10(a), the interjection ‘wenoo’ in the medial position of Elizabeth’s response expresses disbelief or incredulity. She uses it to emphasise her certainty that it was poison, not beer, that caused the cirrhosis, countering Misery’s misunderstanding with a definitive statement. The final interjection ‘liyaa!’ expresses emphasis or certainty, reinforcing her point about the cause of cirrhosis, indicating her confidence in her statement. Similarly, in 10(b), the medial interjection ‘papoo’, used by Midlayi to her husband Khombo, expresses a casual or reflective emphasis on the statement about democracy at play. It adds a conversational tone, highlighting Misery’s observation about the open and democratic discussions between children and parents. The final interjection ‘n’winoo!’ conveys affirmation or agreement, underscoring the notion that such open communication is a significant and accepted part of contemporary life. This strategic positioning of interjections creates nuanced emotional layers, amplifying the speaker’s message and intent.

In some cases, a single sentence in Xitsonga may include interjections in the initial, medial and final positions. This can also occur in emotional or expressive situations where the speaker expresses a variety of emotions or reactions within a single sentence, as illustrated in Example 11:

In the examples above, the combination of interjections at the initial, medial and final positions within a single sentence allows the speaker to express nuanced emotional reactions and emphasise their thoughts. In Example 11(a), the initial interjection ‘Yoo’ reflects Mafada’s intense fear and despair as he suddenly grasps the severity of the situation he faces. The medial interjection ‘mhanee’ acts as a cry for sympathy or a plea for help, often directed at a maternal figure, underscoring Mafada’s feelings of helplessness and regret. The final interjection ‘minoo!’ highlights Mafada’s deep personal distress and self-blame, reflecting his awareness of the consequences of his actions and his lament over his lost ambitions. The juxtaposed interjection ‘Heyi’ in the initial and medial positions serves to catch attention urgently in Example 11(b). In the first instance, it is used to draw Teacher David’s (Bra Dave) focus to something important or imminent. The repetition in the second instance emphasises Mafada’s urgency and desperation, underscoring his heightened emotional state, likely fear or panic. In the final position, the interjection ‘watch!’ conveys a sense of urgency and caution. Mafada is feeling anxious or fearful about the potential consequences of involving the police. It is a direct command intended to alert Bra Dave to the danger or risk associated with that action, emphasising the need to be careful and reconsider the decision. Overall, these interjections convey Mafada’s fear, regret and self-reproach as he faces the severe consequences of his mistakes. They reflect his desperation, urgency and fear as he tries to get Bra Dave’s attention and prompt him to take notice of something critical. Therefore, the use of interjections in the initial, middle and final positions of a sentence can create a powerful emotional statement, demonstrating their versatility in modifying the tone and intensity of a message.