In 1948, when the National Party (NP) came into power, the education system and language policy were accompanied by ‘racial criteria’ through the Bantu Education Act No. 47 of 1953 (Kretzer & Kaschula 2020:259). This Act significantly excluded South African indigenous languages from the education system. However, during post-apartheid, South Africa welcomed a new constitution (1996), which helped to introduce the South African School Act (SASA) of 1996 (Department of Education [DBE] 1996). This Act gives authority to the School Governing Bodies (SGBs) – a group that consists of parents, teachers, nonteaching staff and learners – to improve teaching and learning by fostering the well-being and productivity of the school community (DBE 1996; Ramothwala, Mandende & Cekiso 2022). This statutory body determines which languages should be used as languages of learning and teaching (LoLT) in their schools (DBE 1996). The languages and subjects chosen by the SGBs indicate how they will be used in administration or in public, demonstrating that the majority of schools are democratic (Kretzer & Kaschula 2021:110). Following this, the SGBs have the power to influence learners and communities to use and promote South African indigenous languages through their language policy decisions.

In 1997, the government adopted a new Language in Education Policy (LiEP) (Department of Education [DBE] 1997) which aimed at promoting multilingualism and developing all the official languages to ensure that home languages (South African indigenous languages) are maintained, as well as to develop programmes for the redressal of previously disadvantaged languages (DHET 1997). The policy empowered South African minority languages, such as Tshivenḓa, in creating a significant space for the promotion and development of languages in the educational environment. Hence, learners need to understand the importance of learning their home languages.

In most secondary schools, learners are required to select subjects of their choice. For instance, in South Africa, Grade 9 learners are required to choose major subjects that they would like to study the following year in Grade 10. According to the DBE (2019), learners must have seven subjects – four compulsory and three non-compulsory – which are chosen at the end of Grade 9 for Grades 10–12, to obtain the National Senior Certificate in Grade 12. The four compulsory subjects include two official languages (one Home Language and one First Additional Language), Mathematics or Mathematical Literacy and Life Orientation.

The process of selecting subjects is one crucial decision that learners must make, because it determines the field of study they can follow once they have completed Grade 12. While learners in public schools may have distinct reasons for choosing their subjects, continuing with their home language is compulsory (DBE 2019). As learners are required to study their home languages, the question arises whether they view South African indigenous languages as beneficial to their future careers. It is anticipated that if learners are not aware of opportunities that come with studying South African indigenous languages, it is highly unlikely that they would be interested in furthering their studies in those languages.

It is pointless for learners to learn various languages if they are unable to understand how to apply the knowledge to real-life situations. Caine, Caine and Crowell (1994:98) assert that ‘to make learning meaningful, it must be tied to learners’ experience’. This suggests that learning may not be purposeful if learners do not understand the connection between the language subject they are being taught and how they can use it to benefit or empower themselves outside the classroom situation.

Moreover, Mutie and Ndambuki (1999) observe that many learners wish to study or pursue various language career paths but do not know what the careers entail, or which subjects are important to pursue careers in language. It seems that career guidance offered in schools is often insufficient. Johnson (2000) concurs with Mutie and Ndambuki (1999) that most learners have limited understanding in terms of how school relates to the real world and show a lack of knowledge and skills to succeed in their future. Similarly, this could result in learners studying their home language merely because it is compulsory, and they might find limited future employment opportunities. If these cases are not addressed early, little or no effort would be invested in mastering the language.

Learners do not take South African indigenous languages seriously as they are unaware of the potential for employment in these languages. This is supported by Bamgbose (1991), who states that one of the reasons individuals do not want to study South African indigenous languages is the perception that there is a lack of need for these specialists in the job market. While most post-secondary education programmes do not necessitate passing a South African indigenous language course, it is a useful skill in the business sector.

Pule (2014) and Mphaphuli (2019) further buttress this point by arguing that careers pursued through indigenous languages are not fashionable compared to those pursued or performed in English. It is also evident that those few learners who are exposed to language careers are only familiar with careers such as translating, interpreting, language editing and teaching. In fact, there are job opportunities for graduates in South African indigenous languages such as teaching, language practice, translation and interpreting, writing and publishing (Maḓadzhe 2019). Therefore, it is important to ‘dispel the fear that acquiring quality education in African languages would not allow for resultant sustainable employment’ (Maḓadzhe 2019:207).

Language is crucial and a central feature of culture that makes it possible for a culture to be transmitted, interpreted and configured. A language is a carrier of a culture (Prah 2006). When individuals pursue careers through South African indigenous languages, this means that their cultures will be indirectly preserved, and their dignity is maintained. Unfortunately, many South African indigenous languages have restricted roles in public because of their low status. This could be the reason why they are not seen as useful and individuals do not pursue careers in them. Bamgbose (2011) observes that one of the reasons why South African indigenous languages are accorded a lower status is because they require more development and use in larger contexts. Many people who are supposed to lead on this matter, such as politicians and linguists, just pay lip service to this matter with no tangible, actionable and impactful plans in place (Kaschula 2004:11). Similarly, Bamgbose (2011) asserts that most elites and parents in the lower social groups take their children to schools where South African indigenous languages are not regarded as a medium of teaching and learning, and where these subjects are not even part of the curriculum. Accordingly, there is a greater need for qualified language specialists to be produced, and this could only be achieved if learners are also made aware of the importance of their languages. The awareness and interest in language-related job opportunities could close the gap in society and work and/or industrial environments.

As the South African unemployment rate continues to escalate, individuals find themselves posing questions such as the following: what is the best career for one to pursue, and/or will they be able to find employment once they have completed their studies? These questions cannot be avoided now. While research shows that most people hold negative attitudes towards South African indigenous languages (Kretzer & Kaschula 2020; Magwa 2015), it is in contrast to what the industries think. According to Texiera (2004) and Cere (2012), different sectors seek language experts because they provide effective communication and language skills, which contributes to the success of any organisation. This is supported by Fitzgerald (1993), who confirms that language skills are now becoming the centre of attention in the global environment. The following question arises: are learners aware of these global demands?

In light of the foregoing, it is important to encourage individuals to acquire the skills needed in the market if they want to pursue language as their career (Bloch 1995). In other words, for one to be regarded as a language expert, their competency, linguistic ability and cross-cultural competence must be at a higher level. As such, it is crucial to know where one can acquire those skills.

Skilled translators, interpreters, lexicographers, terminologists and speech therapists, to mention a few, are needed everywhere, from the government to hospitals to courts of law. For this line of work, a high level of proficiency in the relevant languages is necessary, and specialised training is required. According to Afrilingo (2022), South African indigenous languages can be used in different spheres: in business, for instance, to penetrate the South African markets, one needs to communicate with the customers in their languages to win their hearts. Afrilingo (2022) further observes that business documents such as employment contracts, marketing materials and policies need to be carefully translated to avoid unnecessary legal issues.

The PanSALB Annual Performance Plan 2021/2022 proves that South African indigenous languages can function in different sectors. The analysis conducted by PanSALB highlights the following factors that affect the use and development of South African indigenous languages:

The sample consisted of 16 participants from two South African public high schools. The two schools were selected because they are the only two schools in Thembisa, Gauteng province, that teach Tshivenḓa as a subject. Twelve Grade 12 Tshivenḓa L1 learners, six from each school, and four teachers, two from each school, who teach Tshivenḓa as a subject were purposefully selected. We used purposive techniques to ensure the sample included Tshivenḓa-speaking Grade 12 learners and their teachers. This sampling technique is best suited as it is based on the researchers’ judgement as to who is likely to provide the required information to achieve the objectives of the study (Kumar 2014). Table 1 provides the social demographic details of the participants.

The thematic method was used to analyse data. Saldaña (2016) observes that pattern coding is another outcome of thematic analysis that entails combining excerpts with associated codes under a single overall code (Saldaña 2016). To analyse the qualitative data, the researchers coded the collected data and grouped the data into categories of themes. Interview transcriptions were coded through interpretation and division of ‘meaningful analytical units’ (Nieuwenhuis 2016:116).

This study aimed to assess whether Tshivenḓa learners in public high schools at Thembisa township from Gauteng province are aware of possible careers in South African indigenous languages. The findings show that learners are not aware of the available careers in South African indigenous languages, as indicated by a majority of 16 learners. This finding is in line with responses from the Tshivenḓa teachers, who also pointed out that learners are not aware of careers in South African indigenous languages. Some learners confirmed that more than 80% of the learners were not aware of careers in South African indigenous languages. The most common course that they were familiar with was teaching, majoring in languages:

This finding is consistent with that of Pule (2014), who also found that while there are many careers in South African indigenous languages, they are not as popular as those pursued in English.

Teachers were of the view that it is impossible to expect learners to pursue Tshivenḓa as a career when they are not even aware of Tshivenḓa language careers in which training is offered at universities. The findings of this study further show that the only way for learners to become aware of language careers is by having language experts from different institutions of higher learning visit schools, informing learners about language courses and encouraging them to pursue such careers. This result also corroborates Pule’s findings (2014), where participants were willing to promote language professions by recommending people who might not know about language courses and encouraging those who are interested in languages to enrol in language courses.

The findings also support Mphaphuli’s argument (2021), as well as that of Khosa (2014:182), that there is a need for university scholars to merge cultural knowledge into the curriculum, which will bring economic empowerment and create job opportunities. According to Mphaphuli (2021:144), integrating Tshivenḓa languages will increase enrolment rates, which are currently low compared to Xitsonga, Northern Sotho and other languages.

Most learners are not aware of which careers they can venture into with the subjects they are studying at school and how they can tie what they are learning to real-world needs, especially in the work environment (Mutie & Ndambuki 1999; Johnson 2000). To support this view, one learner said, ‘I think such careers should be included in our curriculum for teachers to teach us about them. I do not think even our teachers are aware of these careers, so this will also help them.’ (18 years, female learner).

One contradictory finding was that while learners were not aware of language careers, they were, however, familiar with places where those who pursue careers in languages could work, even though they were not sure whether there were many job opportunities for language practitioners, especially in Tshivenḓa. This rather contradictory finding is because of learners imagining the different kinds of services that could be provided in the workplace by Tshivenḓa speakers who are not linguists.

One finding indicates that the majority of learners and all teachers felt that the government lags in terms of providing employment opportunities in South African indigenous languages such as Tshivenḓa. They were of the view that the government can do better to implement the existing National Language Policy Framework and Use of Official Language Act No. 12 of 2012. By so doing, more job opportunities would be available nationally, provincially, locally and within state-owned enterprises such as Eskom, South African Airways (SAA), Denel and Telkom, to mention but a few, for qualified language practitioners and linguists.

In tandem with the present findings, the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (1996) stipulates that every national department, national public entity and national public enterprise should adopt a language policy as part of implementing the use of official languages (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996). By doing so, attitudes towards South African indigenous languages and use of these languages at government level would change, and people would see their value. Ultimately, their status would improve, as they would be used by government institutions and other national public entities. This is what EVT advocates for. Languages that are not recognised and used at official levels tend to evoke negative attitudes from the public, as they are seen as languages of no value that are not taken seriously in major domains of life. Consequently, these languages may die (Giles et al. 1977).

Although it is clear that certain initiatives are taking place, notably in the higher education sector, the findings also show that more work remains to be done to develop and promote South African indigenous languages. A couple of South African universities such as the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Cape Peninsula University of Technology and the Universities of Limpopo, Cape Town, University of South Africa (UNISA), Free State and Fort Hare have departments that offer language courses, and they are also implementing strategies to use indigenous languages in various domains (Hlongwa & Mazibuko 2015; Kaschula & Maseko 2014).

Similarly, in the Limpopo Vhembe district, there is linguistic landscape visibility, as evidenced in the Department of Health publications, which are only written in Tshivenḓa (Kaschula & Maseko 2014). In other words, such support from the government creates more job opportunities and promotes South African indigenous languages.

The findings also demonstrate that participants felt that language professions in South Africa were not taken seriously. The majority of learners interviewed indicated that much of the exposure is to science and technology courses rather than language courses. Similarly, all teachers interviewed expressed concerns about the fact that language careers are not taken seriously as compared with other careers. One teacher expressed:

This is also underscored by Maḓadzhe and Sepota (2006), who assert that more attention is given to courses that are seen to yield immediate financial benefits. The findings suggest that people think that language careers are not useful; hence, learners are not inspired to pursue them. Giles et al. (1977) posit that if a language is not supported institutionally, that is, by government departments and agencies, its speakers will not see value in using it. Therefore, the government and its agencies should support the functionality of these languages through legislative frameworks that are practically implementable.

In contrast to this finding, there are quite a few initiatives in place in terms of promoting, developing and creating employment in South African indigenous languages. For example, universities such as Rhodes University and UCT offer South African indigenous language courses (e.g. isiXhosa and isiZulu) to assist professional communication in different sectors such as Pharmacy, Education, Law, Psychology and Journalism. In some instances, learners may not graduate without passing that language course (Madiba 2010; Kaschula & Maseko 2014; Hlongwa & Mazibuko 2015).